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Forensic Analysis of the Oneota Cemetery 1200BC
Jordan Kreager
Warfare in Late Prehistoric West-Central Illinois written by George R. Milner, Eve Anderson, and Virginia G. Smith aims to provide an analysis of the human remains recovered at “The Oneota Cemetery” at the Norris Farms #36 site. In doing so, an emphasis on the importance of understanding the role that violence and warfare may play in cultural and social evolution. In addition to the ethnographic research from this region, archaeological and osteological data recovered here makes up the foundation of Oneota understanding. Though a definite rationale is lacking for the violence among smaller prehistoric societies like the Oneota, through archaeological and osteological, an interpretive framework does arise.
The cultural context of Norris #36 dates back to 1300 AD during the early propagation of the Missippian culture across the southeast. The Norris #36 and its cemetery is located on the Illinois River valley located in west-central Illinois. The Oneota are considered to have been hunters, gatherers, and fishermen who practiced maize agriculture and relied on farming some other vegetables as well. The cemetery consists of several graves, mostly holding one individual in each, which formed an asymmetrical elongated oval, covered under a low mound which sits on the western bluff that overlooks the river valley. It resembles a formal cemetery structure based on the space between the graves, the commonalities in mortuary treatment, closely spaced graves, the distribution of burials, and the closely spaced arrangement of graves. It seems plausible to believe that the cemetery had been used for at least a few decades.
Demographically speaking, there are a total of 264 Oneota skeletons which are mostly considered partial or complete by archaeological standards. The remains have been preserved well enough for osteological analysis to reveal minor antemortem and postmortem alterations to normal bone morphology, so more extensive analysis should not be problematic. There are more adult females than males buried here, but the difference between the two sexes is not that great. The juvenile skeletons’ sex cannot be revealed. It is believed that the cemetery could easily hold the majority of the community or village, which is not unusual among smaller societies like the Oneota. This is also inferred from the lack of archaeological evidence that might suggest that individuals were specially selected for burial at this cemetery. Lastly, since the focus is based on violence, the number of skeletons which indicates violence definitively reveals only 43 skeletons, which show signs of either trauma, mutilation, and scavenging.
In the case of the skeletons demonstrating signs of trauma, there were 21 in total. The most obvious examples of trauma consist of bones with fragments of chert or flint which had penetrated into different bones. This is a direct example of violence between humans as some of the chert deposits found in the bones are identified as tips of projectile points. Another form of trauma occurred as blunt force trauma to skulls which are believed to have been caused by ground-stone celts, a common tool or weapon in the late prehistoric time range. Ground-stone celts can be considered similarly to hammers or ax heads, depending on the sharpness of each. The damage to these skulls is distinct and was definitely not inflicted long after the death of these victims, if they occurred postmortem. Fractures present in other parts of the skeleton such as the arms or hands are likely the result of the victims trying to defend their bodies against someone wielding a tool or weapon like a ground-stone celt.
In addition to traumatic violence, mutilation had also occurred as 14 total skulls had been scalped with 11 being completely decapitated. Also, 8 victims showed post-cranial cuts, meaning that bones other than the cervical vertebrae were incised, and 3 of these were decapitated as well. In regards to scalping, there are typically cuts made across the forehead along the hairline followed by incisions along the side and across the back of the head above the ears. Interestingly, this pattern is consistent with other victims of scalping found throughout North America. With the decapitated victims, the skeletons lacked crania and have cut marks on one or more of the upper cervical vertebrae. And most postcranial marks, other than those on the cervical vertebrae, are located at the hip or the posterior sides of the tibias or fibulas. Further speculation on scalping might reflect the act of taking war trophies, although it is worth considering that Native American scalps were paid for by cash, much like another valuable commodity into the 19th century. However, this is just speculation and the act of taking a scalp could present ceremonial or religious signifiers as well.
As for the cases of scavenging, 30 of the skeletons showed signs of damage by animals. Bones consisted of splintered and punctured cortices, or deeply gouged cancellous bones. Coyotes, dogs, or wolves apparently had access to skeletons before they were buried, all of which roamed this area during this timeframe. Rodents are also likely candidates for the smaller puncture mars, as they have been known to gnaw on human skeletal remains in this region. If animals had access to the skeletons, it seems to indicate that they could have been left on a battlefield somewhere for an extended period of time, and then later retrieved and buried at their large cemetery when it was safe to do so.
Furthermore, out of the 43 victims of violence, 41 were older than 15 years of age at the time of their death. In this 41, there are only a few more male victims than female victims. Many of the victims also demonstrated some form of disability when they were attacked, several of which included their mobility being affected. Many of the victims also show signs of debilitating impairment, but the skeletons are not complete enough to make approximate conclusions.
The victims of violence were buried throughout the cemetery, mixed in with the rest of the skeletons. No more than 5 bodies were found in one grave. However, six graves did contain multiple adult victims that had similar skeletal articulation which appeared to have been buried at the same time, and the determination of sex was possible for all but 1 skeleton.
In conclusion, Oneota society seems to have experienced outbreaks of violence regularly and only a few victims died at a time in most cases of violence seen here. The circumstances surrounding these instances of violence reflect a large variety of potential scenarios that could have occurred. The amount of violence here is consistent with other small tribal societies throughout North America. However, one major difference is seen in the number of female victims to violence in the Oneota, as there may have been more female warriors in this population, or the enemies of these people targeted women as much as men. Archaeologists can only speculate as to why violence erupted as it did in smaller societies like the Oneota. Land disputes or a disruption of resources are easy candidates for presuming the reason for violence to ensue, but when considering the causes of violence in modern times, the confirmation of a motive for violence at this site is likely impossible to achieve. Unfortunately, the necessity for comprehending the full scope of violence within the range of human evolution is becoming more and more dire. Just as understanding other lifestyle patterns in human prehistory and history is a complete necessity for understanding ourselves as whole, examining the roots of violence may be even more important considering the scale of violence today reaching epic proportions.
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